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Regular version of the site

Politics & International Relations


EU–Russia Relations and a Future of Europe (4 ECTS credits, 32 academic hours, HSE Moscow) 
Dates: July, 2 - 21

 


This course is designed to offer an in-depth study of the EU-Russia relationship. It will look at the history of that relationship and analyze its legal and analytical framework. The course is designed to cover EU-Russia relations from multiple angles (e.g., the role of values and interests, and the influence of relations between Russia and individual member states) and in a number of spheres and dimensions (e.g., global politics, relations in the post-Soviet space, security, energy, and transport). It will also address how the relationship is currently developing, as well as key issues, such as negotiations on a new strategic partnership treaty, prospects for a visa-free regime and the partnership for modernization project.

US-Russia Relations between the Cold Wars (2 ECTS credits, 16 academic hours, HSE Moscow)
Dates: July, 2 - 14

The course contains conceptual analyses and practical study of the US-Russia relations since the end of the Cold War. It explores structural problems and theoretical patterns of the relations, as well as analyzes their evolution during the last 20 years. Special attention is given to analysis of US-Russia relations under the first Obama Administration, known as the 'reset'. An important feature of the course is that it approaches problems of US-Russia relations and their development in the wider context of the two countries’ foreign and domestic policies during a given period of time, as well as of the challenges and opportunities the sides have faced in the international environment. US-Russia relations are thus dealt with as part of the bigger picture of the two countries’ development and the evolution of their international positions.

Russia in Asia-Pacific: Challenges and Opportunities (4 ECTS credits, 32 academic hours, HSE Moscow)
Dates: July, 2 - 21

 

The course aims to initiate an in-depth and comprehensive discussion on Russia’s policy in Asia-Pacific: its key priorities, trends and interim results along with issues and challenges it is currently encountering. The programme approaches the subject from an innovative perspective in order to encourage students’ conceptual thinking by means of an extensive and interactive training. 

Russia’s Soft Power: What It Is and What It Might Be (2 ECTS credits, 16 academic hours, HSE Moscow)
Dates: July, 16 - 21

 

Soft power is widely considered to be a missing part or at least a weak point among Russian foreign policy instruments, both globally and regionally. Without ideology, with sluggish and one-sided economy, pervasive corruption, ineffective governance and poor rule of law, contemporary Russia cannot be an attractive model comparable to either the US and the EU, or rapidly growing and successful China. Thus, the argument goes, it is compelled to use hard power (both military and economic), as well as skillful diplomatic art, to promote its interests, while competition between Russia and the West at the former USSR is widely described as a clash between the Western soft and Russian hard power.
 

The “clash of soft powers” in Asia-Pacific. The specificity of Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Indian and Southeast Asian soft powers: points of convergence and divergence. An assessment of Western soft power capabilities in Asia-Pacific. Asia-Pacific soft power discourse: between nationalism and identity-building.  Soft power and public diplomacy: the Asia-Pacific dimension. “Leadernomics” and “nationnomics” in Asia-Pacific: complimentarity or contradiction? 

Russia and Non-Traditional Security Challenges in the Contemporary World  (2 ECTS credits, 16 academic hours, HSE Moscow)
Dates: July, 23 - 28

Evgeny Alexandrovich Kanaev
Professor:Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs / School of International Affairs

 


Global security is undergoing profound changes with implications for the global and the regional milieu. Under these circumstances, combating non-traditional security challenges remains the only sphere of cooperation with a consolidating effect.
The course addresses a number of salient non-traditional security issues at the global and the regional level. It encourages students’ conceptual thinking on what should be done in order to maintain the cooperative paradigm in relations between key global actors against the current advent of the “Cold War: 2.0.”. 

Global Actors in Public Policy (2 ECTS credits, 16 academic hours, HSE Moscow)
Dates: July, 16 - 28


 

This course is aimed to give a coherent definition of global actors, their types, aims, and influence have in a globalized world, particularly to consider the commercial and trade organizations and global civil society institutions as global actors. During the classes, the students will learn to analyze and compare global actors, global institutions and global instruments, understand modern forms of international conflict management and other global agenda issues and examine the roles of states, intergovernmental actors and, military-political organizations as well as on international conflict management, peacekeeping and nuclear non-proliferation. 

BRICS: Is the Glass Half Full or Half Empty (2 ECTS credits, 16 academic hours, HSE Moscow) 
Dates: July, 16 - 28 

Mikhail Karpov

Associate Professor: Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs / School of Asian Studies

 
  
In the recent decade, there has been much talk about the role, place, and perspectives of the BRICS countries in geo-economics and geopolitics. The fact, however, is that most of the optimistic expectations regarding this group of countries did not come true, at least, so far. On the other hand, both the abbreviation BRICS as well as the institutional framework of this entity remained fairly stable. The latter even produced some inclinations for further development. The focus of the course is to analyze this in many ways paradoxical situation. This analysis proceeds from the fact that the abbreviation itself was coined on the basis of pure economic (perhaps, even econometric) reasons, which may seem rather superficial in the context of geopolitics and international (as well as domestic) political economy. Indeed, when it comes to BRICS, we are talking about five absolutely different countries with regard to their economic, financial, social and political systems. True, these countries produced comparatively high rates of economic growth in the 2000s. However, the backgrounds and internal factors of these rates of growth were so different, that to our mind, it would be a huge oversimplification to generalize them simply as “emerging markets”. In fact, the degree of development of “market” in their economic systems is also conspicuously different. Suffice it to point to China with still highly regulated and party-state dominated financial setting and Russian Federation with the authoritarian political system but rather liberal financial practices. The scale of the BRICS countries’ economies also differs tremendously. Again, China accounting for 16% of the World GDP and Russia with – most optimistically – 2% of the World GDP. The same can be said about their rates of economic growth, which slowed down considerably in the most recent period. The fundamental reasons for this deceleration are also very much different. Besides, the bilateral relations between the countries concerned are not free from serious contradictions and mistrust. Historic and cultural backgrounds of these countries are extremely diverse. On the other hand, however, all the BRICS countries face the same dilemma of finding their appropriate place in the World geo-economics and geopolitics, especially regarding their relations with the developed nations of the West – the European Union and the USA. In our view, this is exactly the main reason for the BRICS nations to “stick together” in some ways on the World Arena. However, this process of “sticking together” is still dominated by the countries’ respective domestic agendas and possibilities, hugely depending on their economic weight, political system, and cultural background. 

The main learning objective of the course is to give students a practical idea of the origins, current state of affairs and most probable future developments of the BRICS in the World economy and politics, as well as to illustrate the most important features of the dynamics of bilateral relations between the BRICS countries.

 

* Please note, all dates TBC